Russians
in the Holy Land
Quarter
of a century ago (time runs fast!), when Israel was far more
intimate than it is today, when we did not value privacy and did
not know how to spell it, I left my kibbutz in Galilee and moved
into a house in Jaffa to share it with few families. Such an
arrangement was quite common these days.
Once
Jaffa was called the Bride of the East, and it competed with its
neighbours, Beirut and Alexandria. Surrounded by fragrant orange
groves, this city of one hundred thousand inhabitants boasted the
first cinema in the Levant, and housed the headquarters of
European companies,. Americans and Germans built their red-roofed
houses on its outskirts, and in 1909, the East European Jews
established Tel Aviv further to the north. But her days of
prosperity were long gone, in 1948.
In
my days it was (and still is) a dilapidated seaside village to the
south of the big city. Bulldozers have torn down every second
house and given the town its jagged look. They have also dumped
building waste on the seashore, in preparation of big real estate
development. Salinger’s Esme would love this place of squalor.
Still, it is a good place, reminiscent of Durrell’s Alexandria
Quartet. Drug dealers’ big Cadillacs cruise its unpaved streets;
kids in long galabie dresses play at the corner; the bells of St
Anthony Catholic church blend with those of St George Orthodox
church and with the call of muezzin from the nearby Ajami mosque;
fishermen carry their catch to the seashore restaurants for the
diners from Tel Aviv; Palestinian women crack seeds and chat
outside their homes; the smell of fresh falafel comes from market
stalls; ten stray cats stare down a king-size rat; the French
ambassador returns to his residence; a film crew shoots a Beirut
scene. We lived together, one of the few desegregated communities,
in a small sliver of the land between the road and the sea, a
remainder of Jaffa of old.
We
lived in a crumbling pink mansion built by a Palestinian trader in
1920s. It was a classic Arab house; yard-thick walls of soft local
stone kurkar blocked hot easterly wind, wide and high doors
allowed bringing in a grand piano without much difficulty,
spacious rooms, broadleaved shesek, a native tree with sweet
apricot-like fruits, besieged our window. Ceilings painted by
Egyptian craftsmen rose six yards high above its Italian marble
floors. Crown of Count adorned the front, as the trader received
this title from grateful Vatican in 1928.
The
only entrance of the house led into spacious hall big enough for
Scarlet O’Hara maiden dance, and from there, six double doors
opened into six big rooms, where we lived: the Moroccan family,
owners of small garage, an Armenian guide, a Russian painter who
helped us to find the place, a Bulgarian family who run a small burekas
stall. The owner’s family lived there as well, but now they kept
only one room, for in 1948 a Colonel Arad, an old combatant of
Yitzhak Rabin, took over the house.
The
Colonel had the legal title over the central hall and he was
responsible for the rent to be paid to the state authority. He had
a lot of fun making our life difficult: did not allow us to pass
by ‘his territory’ after 11, interfered with our guests,
incited quarrels and carried out traditional policy of divide
et impera. He was an East European with Russians and
Bulgarians against Moroccans and Palestinians, a man of cultured
elite with the Count and the Russian painter, and a Jew against
the Count and the Armenian. His strategy worked for a long while:
Moroccans loved to belong to the ruling Jews; Palestinian elite is
happy to be considered ‘elite’, Russians are rather lost and
confused and ready to take up any offer.
Our
Israeli lifestyle reminds me this old Jaffa house. In the centre,
there are military and political elite of the land, descendents of
pre-war settlers from the Eastern Europe, generals and media
owners, the families of Sharon and Barak, Moses and Schocken,
Netanyahu and Peres; while the side rooms are for ‘minorities’
– Russians and Moroccans, native Palestinians and Orthodox
non-Zionist Jews, Ethiopians and Bulgarians. The ‘minorities’
together present majority, and a huge one; but the old colonel
succeeded to keep us in the situation of eternal strife. One of
his preferred tools is ‘the Jewish State’, a device to
separate and split minorities.
We,
dwellers of Israel, never describe ourselves as ‘Jews’, but
refer to our community, ‘eidah’ in Hebrew: Israelis are only
native-born children of old pre-war settlers; but a native born
son of Moroccan, Kurdish, Iraqi Jewish immigrants remains a
Moroccan, a Kurd, an Iraqi. ‘Jews’ is identification against
Palestinians, as Ashkenazi is identification against Sephardis.
Thus, a Jewish State means a state where East European Jews are on
the top, native Palestinians are on the bottom, while other
communities vie for their position in between by stressing their
Jewishness. It is seen in shares of property and power:
‘Israelis’ own 80 p c of private property, keep 80 p.c. of
ministries in a government, professorial positions in
universities, leading positions in media.
The
stable situation changed with arrival of the Russians, for a
simple reason: many of this 1.2 million-strong-community are not
considered ‘Jews’ by the religious law which is the law of the
land. Russian Jews intermarried with Russians as much as American
Jews with their fellow-Americans. What is more important, in the
Soviet Union, since the days of Lenin and Trotsky, there was a
vast effort to assimilate Jews, and it succeeded to large extent.
Russian Jews became Russified, while Russian elites became
Jewified.
Russians
in Israel (whether of Jewish origin or not) speak Russian, read
Russian newspapers, watch Russian TV and eat Russian pork sausage
with Russian beer. What made these ordinary Russians seek the
light of Zion?
In
Russia, as in the US, there are probably at least 20 million
people entitled to become Israeli citizens. One does not have to
be Jewish. If your daughter from a first marriage was married to
an adopted grandchild of a Jew, you can go to Israel with your new
family. Former USSR republics are in dire straits; their workers
get no salary for months, so many families send their old folk
away to Israel, where they get a few thousand dollars upon
arrival, a small pension and public housing, if they are lucky.
The
majority of arrivals have had no exposure to Judaism or Jewish
culture in Russia, nor are they interested in. Their Israeli ID
cards bear the inscription ‘ethnic origin and religion
uncertain’. They are not considered ‘real Jews’ and their
dead are buried beyond the fence, on a special plot for those of
‘dubious origin’. After the dreadful explosion in the Dolfi
discothèque it created a visible problem: the religious
undertakers refused to bury the dead Russian girls in a Jewish
cemetery, even as the Israeli government was bombing Palestinians
‘to avenge Jewish blood’.
In
the blessed air of the Holy Land many of them look for spiritual
and religious revival. Judaism attracts but a few, while others
turn to the Church for comfort. It is a risky enterprise: by
Israeli law they can be deported for their belief in Christ. They
gather and pray away from prying eyes, but on holidays they throng
the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem, the Nativity Church of Bethlehem,
St George of Lydda and St Peter of Jaffa.
In
1991, when Russia’s future was exceedingly opaque, Israel
received a lot of young blood from there. Israel-supporters in the
US media carried out a two-pronged campaign: they warned of
forthcoming pogroms, and they promoted the idea of a beautiful,
easy life for immigrants in the US. Whole issues of Newsweek
and Time concentrated on the neo-Nazi Pamyat group and
rampant anti-Semitism. At that time, I was reporting for the Haaretz
from Moscow, and interviewed Pamyat leaders for it. I found this
sinister organisation to number about as many members as the Flat
Earth Society. Still, a nice Russian Jewish film-maker and his
wife came to our countryside house to arrange for protection in
case of a pogrom. I tried to calm them down, but I could not fight
the mighty media machine alone. Ten years later, I met a Russian
Jewish lady writer in Jerusalem who told me that she had initiated
the rumour of pogroms.
“You
Israelis should erect a monument to me,” she said.
“Certainly”,
said I, “Any particular reason?”
“I
brought you a million Russians: I announced on Moscow Echo
Radio that there will be a pogrom.”
I
hadn’t the heart to disabuse her: her announcements would have
had no effect if Israel’s American friends hadn’t amplified
them. Anyway, the frightened and seduced Russians rushed for visas
to the American embassy, and at that moment Israel requested the
US stop granting them visas. The US gates were closed, and this
mass of people on the move was forced to go to Israel.
They
had a hard time, for the Israeli elite subjected them to the
unique Israeli method of “de-development,” (as one might call
it), a method already tried out on Oriental Jews and Palestinians.
The Israeli media described them as a bunch of criminals and
prostitutes; they were required to sign contracts and promises in
Hebrew which they did not understand; their specialists were set
to sweeping streets or picking oranges. Their rate of divorce
skyrocketed; and their children were pushed into drugs. In 1991,
Israel ceased to employ the Palestinians from the occupied
territories, and the yesterday’s elite of Russia was expected to
take their place in low-paid menial jobs. But sheer mass allowed
the Russians to create their own state-within-state, complete with
its own media, shops, and mutual assistance. The Russians
survived, and figured out the game. The clever ones went back to
Moscow, the adventurous left for the US, the peaceable ones
departed for Canada. Since then, Israel has been getting gets
mainly old folks, single mothers, and the desperately unemployed.
The
Russians are a nice, hard-working but confused community. They
hardly understand where they have landed, and incessantly try to
compare their situation with that in Baku or Tashkent. Perusal of
Russian newspapers shows people at a loss. One writer demands that
Palestinians be castrated in order to solve the demographic
crisis. Another blames everything on religious Jews, describing
them as “blood-sucking parasites.” A third accuses the
Oriental Jews of failing to live up to his expectations. They are
being taught a brief version of the modern Jewish faith and its
single commandment: “Thou shalt hate Arabs.”
Now
Prime Minister Ariel Sharon intends to import another million
“Russian Jews.” It is possible: if the American Jewish friends
of Israel will put a harder squeeze on Ukraine, ten million
Ukrainians may suddenly recover their “Jewish roots.” But it
is possible that in his greed Sharon will completely undermine the
Jewish state, for dichotomy Jews-non-Jews is not the only possible
one. ‘Jews’ in Israel are not an ethnic, cultural or religious
unit but rather an amalgam of immigrants from various countries
divided by mutual dislike and distrust and united by mighty
propaganda machine promoting eternal and innate hatred of
Gentiles. Such a structure has no real life force, and it can
break down.
The
population of the Holy Land could be subdivided and classified by
‘Jewishness’ into Jews and non-Jews, or by the origin: native
or adoptive citizens of European, Asian, American, African stock;
or by relation to Christ into those who accept that Jesus is
Christ and who rejects it; they can be divided by class, into poor
and rich, working classes and exploiters, by language –
Palestinian Arabic, Mughrabi Arabic, Modern Hebrew, Yiddish,
Russian, English, French, Amharic speakers; or by confession –
Orthodox, Catholic, Uniate, Monophysite and Protestant Christians;
Sunni, Ahmadie, Alawi, Druze Muslims; Bahai; Sephardi, Iraqi,
Yemenite, Ethiopian, Hassids, Litvak and Kookite Jews, or by
profession or by place of residence. In other words,
‘Jewishness’ is not the only natural criterion.
For
all but the elites, the best solution is creation of non-racist,
democratic state, in which ‘Jewishness’ has no legal value and
provides no privilege; where to be or not to be a Jew is a
personal matter of no civic importance. As majority of Russians in
Israel are not considered 'Jews', even if they have
Jewish-sounding last names, they suffer of many legal and illegal
disabilities in the Jewish state. The Russians have no advantage
in the Jewish supremacy in Israel i.e. supremacy of a certain
socio-economic group, of wealthy Ashkenazi establishment whose
neo-liberal position is unsuitable for the socially weaker
Russians. These people have a strong personal reason to support
the idea of 'a state for all its citizens', as opposed to the
present concept of 'the state of and for the Jews wherever they
are'.
For
transformation of Jewish supremacy into democracy for all its
citizens these non-elite groups have to ally with native
Palestinians, and here the Russians can play the role of
avant-garde. Some Russians came to this understanding. Last year,
their representatives entered besieged Ramallah and had met with
the representatives of the native Palestinians. If this initiative
were well met, the mass immigration of the Russian 'Jews' to
Israel would become the Trojan Horse of Equality in the Jewish
State.
But
this understanding did not penetrate into Palestinian thinking
yet. The ‘Israelis’ present the elite group, and native
Palestinian elites prefer to deal with Israeli elites.
‘Israelis’ are active in Peace Now, Gush Shalom and other
left-wing groups, while Oriental Jews and Russians are perceived
as ‘anti-Palestinian’. But it is an erroneous vision. In
reality, liaison of non-elite groups is the way to deal with
entrenched ruling minority. The native Palestinians should open
direct channels of communication with Russians, Moroccans,
Orthodox Jews etc – instead of empowering the Israeli elite.
Actually
true interests of Russians and Palestinians coincide. For the both
communities, one democratic state is the solution, and the only
way to achieve it is to give full citizen rights to the three
million presently disenfranchised native Palestinians. In the
democratised Palestine/Israel of nine million citizens the concept
of a Jewish State will follow its twin, the Aryan State, to
oblivion. Much depends on the political maturity and wisdom of
Palestinian leadership and the remnants of the Israeli Left. If
all the pro-equality forces were to unite in our version of the
South African ANC, they can bury apartheid. This union of
non-elite groups will be able to change the political map of
Israel, if properly supported and nourished.
In
the transformed state, there will be always an important place for
the Hebrew-speaking Palestinian community, present ‘Israelis’,
the nearest equivalent of South African Boers. While their
supremacy is unacceptable, their equal status is guaranteed. The
Hebrew-speakers are an integral part of Palestine - not because
they are Jews but despite the fact that some of them identify
themselves as Jews. (Likewise, the Boers are South Africans not
because of their white skin, but despite the fact that some of
them attach to it importance.) Indeed, one of the ‘Asli
Israelis’ (‘pukka Sahib’) the famous painter Shimon Tsabar
described himself ‘a Hebrew-speaking Palestinian’. The
Hebrew-speakers’ desire for separation of ties with World Jewry
and for their nativisation in Palestine blossomed in 1950s
(Canaanite Movement) but was crushed by Ben Gurion’s Secret
Police. Now many Israelis petitioned the Supreme Court of Israel
demanding to replace the ‘Identity – Jew’ line in their ID
cards with the ‘Identity – Israeli/Palestinian’.
Thus
the transformation we seek is not directed against the
Hebrew-speaking, or indeed, Yiddish-speaking groups, but against
their special and privileged legal position based on the concept
of the Jewish State. This concept turned Israel into a colony of
World Jewry. Removal of the special ties between Hebrew-speakers
in Palestine/Israel and the Jews abroad is, in a way, a true
declaration of Israeli independence. It does not preclude some
future contacts, as the American Revolution did not preclude
‘special relations’ with England after a hundred-year-long
separation. But on this stage, we need to cut off the umbilical
cord of Jewishness, to reject the smothering care of American Jews
so the child won’t suffocate. The settlers should go native.
The
Americans may support this initiative for it will usher in peace
in the Middle East and stop outflow of their money to the Jewish
State. What we do not need is the support of organisations like
'Jewish friends of Palestine', who bring back the ties with Jewry
through the back door. Likewise, Mandela would not be interested
in organisation called 'White Race friends of ANC'. There is no
problem with a person who may be considered a Jew (or White), but
there is an insurmountable problem with organised Jewry / White
Race bodies. An American Jew has absolutely no standing - qua Jew
- regarding Palestine. Being a Jew is not a qualification; not
more than Philatelists for Palestine.
Such
separation will do a lot of good to the adepts of the Jewish faith
abroad: they will be free to deal with the most important thing
for every religious man, i.e. with their adoration of the Creator,
with their prayers, with their spiritual improvement and with the
study of Torah. Hopefully, people who tend to consider themselves
‘Jews’ but do not accept the Jewish faith will recognise their
mistake and seek their way to God in the way they find fit; for
‘irreligious Jew’ is a concept that survives due to the
existence of the Jewish state, as otherwise it would be as
meaningless as ‘atheist Catholic’.
The
religious Jewish communities in the Holy Land will prosper as
well, for their religious needs won’t be intertwined with the
civic burden. Without state-imposed ‘Chief Rabbinate’, they
will be able to worship God the way they find fit, whether
Conservative, Liberal, or any other Orthodox and Ultra-Orthodox
school they prefer. Now in the present setup the Orthodox Jews are
discriminated against, forced to go to the army, their chances to
find a profession is severely curtailed; while the Oriental Jewish
communities are forced to accept foreign for them ways of worship.
The Ultra-Orthodox Jews were always against the Jewish State for
they considered it a revolt against God. Thus, even for religious
Jewish groups the democracy is the solution.
Probably
the united Palestine will not remain a cold laic state of
individuals for ever. The fire of Prophets is not dead there. But
instead of infighting, the people of the Holy Land will look for
all-embracing way to serve God. To those who say, “But you are dreaming,”
we shall reply with words of Sami Aldeeb, who presides over the
Association for One Democratic State in Palestine/Israel: “Do you prefer the present nightmare?”
Appendix:
A Neo-Canaanite Manifesto
We
recognise that the people of the Holy Land - whether called
'Israelis' or 'Palestinians' - are descendents of Abraham, and of
Bene Israel of old sharing our common ancestry and united by love
to the Land and its Creator. Disestablishment of state-endorsed
Judaism removed a heavy obstacle on the way of new integration of
the separated tribes. Now is the time to understand the errors of
the first Zionists, who recognised their affinity to the Jewish
communities overseas but failed to recognise their most important
brotherly affinity to the People of the Land. The Zionists were
right in their love and adoration of our home, the Holy Land, but
they were wrong by considering it an exclusive feeling. They came
back as a Prodigal Son, to find place among their brethren who
never left home. By bringing back the Prodigal Son, the family of
Bene Israel completes its period of wandering.
Now
we shall reorganise life in the Holy Land on the basis of the
Union of Tribes, as it was in the days of old. The territorial
tribes North Highlands (Nablus), South Highlands (Halil), the
Valleys (Afula), Lower Galilee (Nazareth), Upper Galilee (Safed),
Western Galilee (Acre), the Seashore (Tel Aviv), Philistia (Gaza),
Shefela (Beth Gubrin), Negev (Beer Sheva), Arava (Eilat), and
Jerusalem (from Ramallah to Bethlehem) will incorporate all
dwellers of their respective territories, whether native sons of
the land, or returnees. Each tribe will possess highest level of
autonomy, and there will be no free unhindered population movement
between the tribes. Every tribe will rule on the acceptance of
returnees, whether of Jewish or Palestinian origin, as it finds
fit.
The
Temple of Jerusalem already exists. It is the Haram a-Sharif, the
great Mosque of the city. There is no reason to return to the
routine of sacrifices rejected by the prophets and by the Almighty
Who destroyed the temple of old, as He prefers prayers to blood of
lambs. Every tribe will decide on its way of worship and the mode
of behaviour. While the Prodigal Son comes home enriched by all
earthly riches and much wisdom, it is the People of the Land that
nourished it and preserved it. The representatives of the tribes
will gather and establish New Covenant of the Holy Land. They will
erase all laws and ban all ideas causing discrimination. We shall
reconstitute the Jubilees of the land, and every 50 years all
debts will be voided and land redistributed in fair portions to
the dwellers of the land. Amen.
Dear
Israel
,
Fantastic Essay! Once more your clear thinking, with heartfelt
connection to the people and the land, is a moving
combination. Thanks for this new and valuable insight.
With Love, Gratitude and Blessings for the new year,
Bear
thanks so much for another fine
piece. I have writing plans, but not a lot
of steam. Glad to
have you forging the trail ahead.
Eric
Russians
in the
Holy Land
I must say that I found "my old Shamir" again. This
article is exemplary, because it is really informative,
descriptive and serene
and can be read by many people who are unconscious Zionists or
Crypto-Zionists without making them furious, like some others of
your articles, which are really shocking to many
well-intentioned (?) people.
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