Book Review
By Satya Sagar
‘Identity and Violence: The
Illusion of Destiny’
Amartya Sen, Allen Lane, 2006, 215
pg.
‘Arab-looking Sri Lankan journalist’
said the caption of the photo in the Sunday edition of
the Philippine Daily Inquirer. That was me, a bearded
Indian working for a Sri Lankan video production house,
whose mug had been captured by the local media while
arguing with a Filipino policeman who wanted to take me
into custody.
The times were quite extraordinary of
course. I had landed in the Philippines on 10 September
2001 to do a television feature on Rusty Delizo, a young
Filipino peace activist, as part of a series on socially
engaged youth in Asia. The next day the infamous
terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center in New York
happened. This incident above occurred just five days
later when Rusty and his friends decided to do an
anti-war demonstration outside the US embassy in Manila.
Though the place was swarming with
journalists, both local and foreign, the Filipino police
made a beeline for me. With my dark beard and skin color
and given the paranoid situation everywhere after the
WTC attacks I must have looked nothing less than Bin
Laden’s brother to them.
For the local media too, despite my
explaining I was a harmless Indian journalist, the
temptation to call me ‘Arab looking’ was too much to
pass by. By that count there are perhaps a billion ‘Arab
looking’ characters in India alone not speaking of the
millions more in the rest of South Asia. To provoke some
more balanced thinking I was compelled to ask one radio
program host in Manila what the Filipino police would
have done if Jesus Christ, undoubtedly the world’s
greatest Arab-Palestinian with a long beard, had turned
up on the streets of this predominantly Roman Catholic
nation.
I was lucky of course to get away
without more serious trouble on that day but ever since
September 11 for thousands of ‘Arab looking’ people the
going has been pretty rough indeed. With governments
around the globe looking out for Arabs/Muslims as a
potential threat to security one’s physical identity
itself has become a deadly liability- that can result in
arrest, torture and even murder for simply appearing the
way one does.
It is precisely this link between
popular perceptions of who represents what and violence
of different kinds that forms the subject of Nobel Prize
winning economist Amartya Sen’s latest book ‘Identity
and Violence’. The book is essentially a collection of a
series of lectures delivered by Sen on the subject at
various venues around the world since 2000.
I have deliberately chosen not to
identify Amartya Sen, as an ‘Indian’ economist – for
Sen’s central thesis in his book is that “the same
person can be, without any contradiction, an American
citizen, of Caribbean origin, a Christian, a liberal, a
woman, a vegetarian, a long-distance runner, a
historian, a feminist, a heterosexual….”
In other words everyone on this
planet has multiple identities and prioritizing one
identity eg., ‘Indian or Pakistani or Muslim or
Christian’ over the others can result in a very
simplistic understanding of the person and what he/she
really represents. Sen argues that reductionist,
one-dimensional notions of X or Y religion being a
promoter of ‘terrorism’, certain communities being made
up of ‘ usurious money lenders’ or yet again people from
certain countries being ‘ rabid communists’ often lie at
the heart of sectarian violence and even genocide.
Sen touchingly tells the story of how
as a child he was witness to the mindless killings that
accompanied the Hindu-Muslim riots in the run up to the
Partition of India. One incident in particular, the
murder of Kader Mia a day labourer just outside his home
in pre-Partition Dhaka made a deep and lasting impact on
Sen, who was just eleven years old then.
In fact what is interesting
throughout the book is the identity that Sen himself
adopts - not that of a ‘ Nobel Prize winning economist’
but as a very ordinary concerned citizen making a
fervent appeal for moderation, tolerance and above all
human imagination.
Sen passionately rails against what
he calls the ‘solitarist’ approach, under which people
are neatly but very wrongly partitioned into Western or
Eastern, Muslim or Christian or Hutu and Tutsi and even
as being Pro-Globalization and Anti-Globalization- with
no space for the assumption and exercise of other
identities. “The hope of harmony in the contemporary
world lies to a great extent in a clearer understanding
of the pluralities of human identity, and in the
appreciation that they cut across each other and work
against a sharp separation along one singe hardened line
of impenetrable division” he writes.
At the level of popular discourse
there is no doubt at all that Sen’s plea for the
recognition of multiple identities and diversity of
differences as a way of increasing tolerance between
people is very appealing.
This especially at a time when George
Bush Jr., the leader of the world’s only superpower
constantly talks in the dumb rhetoric of ‘ good versus
evil’ or ‘ if you are not with us you are against us’
with obviously horrific consequences. Just in the past
couple of years or so the US war on Afghanistan and Iraq
has resulted in the deaths of thousands upon thousands
of innocent civilians whose multiple identities were
first unfairly conflated into the category ‘terrorist’
and then their persona blown to pieces by the blind rage
of some so called smart bomb.
But is it really possible to pin the
blame for all sectarian, communal and nationalist
violence the globe witnesses today on the inability of
people to perceive the multiple identities of others?
Would that not be as simplistic and reductionist an
approach to take towards the phenomenon of violence as
the perpetrators of violence take towards identity? How
are identities really formed and very crucially how are
they linked to more tangible, real-life processes that
go on in the world? Again, while it is true that
everyone has multiple identities what else, apart from
sheer mental laziness, compels one person to prioritize
one of these many identities over all others?
Unfortunately for the reader Sen
refuses to engage his brilliant mind to these important
questions, leaving a feeling that the subject has been
dealt with much passion but insufficient depth.
For the Indian reader in particular a
glaring omission in the book is the lack of analysis of
the country’s caste system- arguably the world’s most
horrendous example of how identity and socially
engineered labels are linked to violence. The caste
system by associating certain identities- upper caste
denominations like Brahmin and Kshatriya with power and
privilege while disempowering others – ‘untouchables’
and ‘shudras’- has in fact institutionalized violence on
a daily basis in Indian society.
But to blame the caste system on
‘perceptions’ of individuals alone or promote the
recognition of ‘multiple identities’ as a solution would
be highly misleading too.
For while it is easy to argue, as Sen
proposes in his book, that a Dalit is also a human
being, a father, a neighbour and a wonderful singer the
fact is that to accept him as equal in society has
implications in terms of sharing of wealth and power.
After all at the root of this reified hierarchy of
identities in the Indian caste system is really the
quest for hegemony over resources in the real world.
The upper castes of India possess not
just abstract ‘prestige’ but also very tangible assets,
wealth, weapons and control over political power – all
of this won over the centuries with a mix of raw
violence, religious and culturally sophistry. Identity
in this case is the culmination of a long process of
violent struggle, even before it acquires a power of its
own and becomes the cause of new bouts of violence.
The brutal wars and conflicts that
mark the birth or partition of nation states is another
example of how identities are byproducts in the more
fundamental battles over geographical and other
strategic assets. It is not a coincidence at all that in
many struggles for national independence even today
natural resources like oil, gas, minerals, water and
forests play such a crucial role in the very
construction of identity.
All this leads to the intriguing
possibility that identity and the way it is used in the
real world may in many cases be merely an expression of
property and power relations in any society- an idea
that somebody of Sen’s caliber could have easily
elaborated to great effect.
For example while the popular media
is agog everywhere with stories of the Clash between
Civilisations- interpereted purely in religious terms-
the real ongoing war in the world may be in terms of
lifestyles and use (or misuse) of resources. In a world
of limited resources the drive for consumption by some
can very well be the death knell of others who happen to
be merely sitting on top of valuable resources. A prime
example of this is the US war on Iraq prompted to a
large extent by the unquenchable thirst for oil of the
American public.
In one of the chapters of ‘Identity
and Violence’ Sen – taking on for once the mantle of an
economist - dwells at length on the issue of how the
labels of globalization and anti-globalization are
fraught with gross simplifications of positions and
perceptions. Some aspects of globalization he argues can
actually result in benefits for the underdog and need
not be imperialist while the anti-globalization movement
is in fact fighting for a better ‘global’ order and can
thus be seen as a part of globalization itself.
Without commenting on the merits or
demerits of Sen’s position on globalization I would like
to point out that the way he approaches the discussion –
merely analyzing the semantics of the term
‘globalization’ - is not in keeping with the rest of the
book’s focus on identity and violence. What would have
been far more fruitful for example is the exploration of
violence engendered by seemingly innocuous economic
identities such as ‘developed’ and ‘under developed’ or
‘market-friendly’ and ‘pro-reform’ in the perpetuation
of certain kinds of violence in the world.
In fact it can easily be argued that
the greatest violence in modern history – as evidenced
by all of Western colonialism- has been perpetrated by
the so called ‘civilised’ preying upon the resources of
the ‘primitive’ and ‘barbaric’ using the latter terms as
excuses for such looting.
Identities such as ‘developed’,
‘developing’, ‘progressive’ and ‘backward’ have played a
key role in the shaping of economic and social policies
in country after country with all the negative
consequences of such policies being brushed aside as a
‘trade off’ for achieving ‘prosperity’.
For example most middle class urban
dwellers in much of India cannot understand why the
‘backward’ and ‘under developed’ populations of the
Narmada valley in central India or the jungles of Orissa
do not want to make way for large dam and mining
projects that will result in ‘national development’.
Here of course, using the apartheid logic of the caste
system, most of them identify the interests of the
‘nation’ with their own ‘development’.
The alleged ‘backwardness’ of the
Dalits and Adivasis on the other hand becomes a
justification for the use of force by the state
machinery to oust them from their traditional lands on
which they have lived for centuries but do not possess
‘identity’ (read ‘ownership) papers for. Here it is not
the absence of multiple identities but the absence of
any identity at all that facilitate the most barbaric
acts of violence against people ‘invisible’ to the eye
of elites with overgrown identities.
To sum up, Sen’s book is certainly a
welcome addition to discussion on the politics of
identity and violence – a subject of immense relevance
to the world we live in today. But precisely because of
the importance of the subject one is a bit disappointed
that the publishers do not seem to have got Sen to go
deeper into the subject and explore it in all its
dimensions.
The net result is a book that seems
to be hastily put together, is patchy and repetitive in
parts and superficial in its treatment of the issues on
hand. It is surely a body of work that one cannot fully
identify with somebody of Sen’s stature.
Satya Sagar is a writer,
journalist and video maker living in New Delhi. He can
be reached at sagarnama@yahoo.com
END